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Jamie Raskin’s Harsh Trump Takedown on CNN Has Damning Hidden Message
April 27, 2026
Posted 2 hours ago by
Of all the media exchanges that unfolded in the wake of a deranged gunman’s attack on the White House Correspondents’ Dinner, the most telling by far was the one between CNN’s Dana Bash and Representative Jamie Raskin on Sunday. Bash suggested Democrats bore some blame for the shooting, asking Raskin if it should prompt Democrats to “think twice” about their “heated rhetoric.”Raskin pushed back, insisting his criticisms are focused on Trump’s “policies.” He also pointed out that Trump, unlike Democrats, describes working media professionals—like Bash—as “the enemy of the people,” which Bash agreed was out of bounds.

The discussion moved on, with Trump partisans and critics claiming the exchange as a “win” for their side, as always happens with these mini-dustups. But lurking underneath this little exchange is a more subtle set of revelations about the media’s tolerance for Trump’s (incivility alert!) fascism, and about the options that Democrats could exercise for shaming the press over that failing—ones they typically fail to utilize.Republicans have pounced on the incident—in which heavily armed Cole Tomas Allen allegedly breached security at the Washington Hilton, unleashing gunfire and chaos, and was captured—to blame it on Democratic rhetoric about Trump. Bash, perhaps not intentionally, essentially echoed this critique in her exchange with Raskin:BASH: You and your fellow Democrats have used some heated rhetoric against the president. Do you think twice about that when something like that happens?RASKIN: What rhetoric do you have in mind?BASH: That he's terrible for this country and so on and so forth pic.twitter.com/J8RHUgIodF— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) April 26, 2026Everyone has focused on Bash’s topline question, but a crucial nuance here is getting lost. After Bash asked if Democratic rhetoric about Trump bears “responsibility” for the incident—and he replied that he’s focused on criticizing policies like those producing the killing of American citizens protesting in Minneapolis—this happened:RASKIN: I certainly have never called the press “the enemy of the people.” I think the press are the people’s best friend, and that’s why it’s written right there into the First Amendment. We need the press to be a vigilant watchdog against every level of government—federal, state, local, all of it.BASH: You’re not going to get an argument from me on that.This might appear as if Raskin was merely noting that Trump uses incendiary rhetoric, just as Democrats do. But Raskin was also making a subtle point about Bash’s conduct, and by extension, about that of the whole press corps. Raskin was, I think, trying to communicate indirectly to Bash herself that at the core of Trump’s fascist project is an effort to badly damage—if not wholly destroy—the institutional role that freedom of the press plays in our constitutional system. Raskin was really saying, in effect, that Trump is committed to wrecking the project and values to which people like Bash have devoted their professional lives: The viability of a vigorous, independent press as a check on power within a liberal democratic order. Raskin was suggesting that Democrats are its allies in this and that Trump and his movement are its enemies—and that journalists should keep this in mind when assessing claims about each party’s “rhetoric.”The trouble with questions about whether Democratic rhetoric inspired this shooter is that they play innocent about that fundamental difference. The implication is that claims about Trump’s fascism and/or authoritarianism are mere name-calling that can be simply detached from the reality of his actual agenda for the country. That Democrats can stick to critiques of Trump policies without resorting to words like “fascist” or “authoritarian.”But this very premise is itself profoundly misleading about our crisis. First, generally speaking, the broad center-left’s most prominent political and opinion leaders do not use these terms lightly. We’ve seen years of complex debates over whether these terms apply to Trump and his movement, arguments that involve comparative history, political theory, and even the finer differences between fascism and authoritarianism.There’s no clean way to hive off terms like “fascism” or “authoritarianism” from Trump’s policies. Even if you disagree that the words apply, their use is backed up by a genuine attempt at intellectual justification for it. The use of these terms just is deeply linked to assessments of Trump’s actual policies, from the lawless renditions to foreign gulags to the unleashing of heavily-armed militias in American cities to the naked intimidation of large swaths of civil society.By contrast, when Trump and MAGA media figures call Democrats “communists” or “antifa,” all of that is entirely disconnected from any policy realities. Many press figures would like it if there were an Archimedean midpoint between the two parties on all these matters. But there isn’t. At the most basic level, one party continues to function as an actor in a liberal democracy, whereas Trump and much of his movement, with the eager participation of many Republicans, simply do not. Dispensing with harsh but accurate descriptions of his real goals would whitewash them.Indeed, Trump-aligned forces want the press to submerge this difference. Fox News seized on the Bash-Raskin exchange to blare forth the suggestion that Raskin had been deceptive by not admitting Democratic complicity in the attack. Friends of Trump’s project see this sort of press conduct—correctly—as empowering to it, because it obscures its true nature and goals. If anything, media figures should be more sensitive to that basic difference than they often appear. Trump regularly describes the media as “the enemy of the people.” He has corruptly used baseless lawsuits to extort media companies into doing his bidding. He has openly urged his Federal Communications Commission chair to wield government power against media outlets that displease him. Trump’s White House has also tried to ban outlets for not following his decree that they use terms like “Gulf of America.” His defense secretary has tried to strongarm news organizations into signing away their independence and has opened the Pentagon’s press room to rank propagandists.I contacted Raskin to ask if my intuition about his response to Bash—that it was a pointed reminder to the press corps itself—was correct. He confirmed that it was, noting that while he doesn’t personally fault Bash, the media should keep in mind that Trump and his movement are unilaterally trying to undermine their entire mission.“I wanted to say that there’s no reason for the media to take the bait of falling back on tired, pox-on-both-your-houses Beltway cynicism,” Raskin told me. “Rather, the media should understand that the survival of the free press is at stake right now, along with the rest of the Bill of Rights.”Raskin acknowledged that this is an “awkward situation” for the press, given its commitment to being even-handed among the parties. “That puts them on the field of contest, in a place that they don’t want to be,” he said.“As Democrats, we don’t expect the media to take our side in any political battle because we fight our own battles, but we do expect them to take their own side in the fight for constitutional freedom,” Raskin continued. “There is only one party in America trying to censor and control the press.”In the end, this whole saga suggests a way forward for liberals and Democrats: Seize on moments like these to goad media figures into admitting explicitly on-air to that basic difference identified by Raskin. This would constitute informing Americans of the truth without fear or favor—and ultimately, isn’t that their most hallowed mission?
The New Republic
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